
Dozens of truckloads of rough sawn timber pass through Sarawk customs
at Entikong, West Kalimantan each day. Photo: WWF-Taman Nasional
Betung Kerihun
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As Indonesia's
timber industry continues its awkward shift from the centralized control of
the Suharto regime to local autonomy, illegal logging and inter-village strife
is on the rise. With increasing demand for illegal logs, fueled in large part
by Malaysian investors, nowhere is the struggle for control over logging concessions
more contentious than in Kalimantan.
The "Gold
Rush" for Kalimantan Timber
With the fall of
Suharto in 1998, regional autonomy measures were introduced throughout Indonesia.
One result has been that local governments in Indonesia are now able to issue
their own logging permits. Previously, timber concessions were tightly controlled
by the central government. Ironically, this shift to self-determination and
local decision-making has given rise to increased illegal logging--estimated
to account for 70% of Indonesian timber production.
With the implementation
of regional autonomy reforms, local politicians from provincial governors down
to village headmen throughout Kalimantan began to jockey for control of the
formerly centralized timber industry. As a result, an opportunistic rush for
Indonesian timber has arisen in the past five years, with hundreds of mini-concessions
springing up all across Kalimantan. The ensuing uncertainty over who controls
what has commonly resulted in instances of overlapping concessions. Some regional
officials, fast running out of commercial timber stands outside of protected
areas, have even gone so far as to re-designate parts of national parks as production
forests. Moreover, foreign investment, especially from Malaysian timber companies,
has exacerbated the problem.
In the midst of
this frenzy, illegal logging has become a tempting activity for cash poor, rural
communities in Kalimantan. While regional income depends heavily on natural
resource extraction--timber products, rubber, palm oil, crude oil, coal, gold
and other minerals--most indigenous communities in Kalimantan depend on subsistence
farming. For supplemental cash incomes, these communities cultivate and sell
rubber, black pepper, rattan and other forest produce. When the economic crisis
swept through Asia in 1997, Indonesia was one of the hardest hit. Almost overnight,
its currency plunged in value from 2,500 rupiah to over 17,000 rupiah per dollar.
Prices of basic goods such as fuel, oil and rice skyrocketed, while prices received
for cash crops plummeted. Kalimantan's farmers found themselves with little
government support and dwindling revenues.
Not surprisingly,
amidst this political chaos and economic hardship, local communities have turned
to illegal logging. The torrent of money pouring in from outside investors has
also provided villagers with new and unparalleled incentives to harvest their
forests. While past legal concessions provided limited local employment with
few benefits, new investors tempt communities with promises of roads, electricity,
cash for longhouse renovations and other funds, per-volume fees, daily wages
and employment. Especially in the remote interior of Kalimantan, where the government
has been slow to provide public infrastructure, many communities opt to exchange
their forests for access to the outside.
Considering the
premium price paid for tropical hardwood in the international market, communities
are paid a miniscule amount in compensation for illegally harvested logs--often
as little as $1 to $5 a cubic meter. Nevertheless, the small payments for timber
add up to significant sums for cash-poor villages. The result has been a drastic
transformation in village-based economies. Conspicuous consumption is quickly
replacing the traditional mode of subsistence living. Motorcycles, speedboats,
video CD players and satellite dishes are becoming common features of this forest
terrain. Although on the surface a sign of increased prosperity, the reality
is that villagers' restricted access to banks and limited experience in cash
management means that the money generally goes as easily as it comes.
Commercial timber
in a village is typically depleted within a year or two of intensive logging
and, unless villagers start logging elsewhere, the economic boom is a short-lived
bonanza. The aftermath leaves a forest-dependent community without the natural
resource-base that once sustained the population and without wise investment
of the cash it received for those natural resources.
Another common
side effect of illegal logging is increased conflict between villages. Since
traditional land claims are rarely documented, villages are now fighting over
areas that were never before contested. Investors in the illegal logging trade
prey on these internal disagreements by offering only one community compensation
for land claimed by another group. More often than not, tribal chiefs and other
leaders are bribed, and are the only ones to see gains.
Sarawak's State-Sanctioned
Timber Laundering

Rivers and lakes provide a cheap and easy means for communities to transport
logs by rafts like this to down stream sawmills. Photo: Riak Bumi
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While communities
in Kalimantan are often willing to log their forests for compensation, it is
a network of Malaysian investors and companies who provide much of the direct
investment and demand for illegal logs. Shrinking timber stocks in East Malaysia
and a favorable exchange rate, have increased Malaysian dependence on Kalimantan
timber from both legal and illegal sources. The Sarawak Development Institute
estimates 70% of the raw timber supply to Sarawak comes from West Kalimantan.
While it is unclear how much of this wood originated from illegal sources and
became "legal" at the Sarawak boarder, it is clear that a high volume
of undeclared, illegal timber is moving into Sarawak by both land and sea.
Illegal logging
in Kalimantan involves a complex network of businessmen, politicians, government
officials, and law enforcement personnel on both sides of the border. The typical
arrangement involves a Malaysian cukong (timber broker) who provides
money, trucks, chainsaws, generators and sawmill equipment to the local communities
applying for concessions on small parcels of land adjacent to protected forests
and national parks. Logging operations then typically extend well into the protected
areas. When logging sites or extracted timber volumes do not match the accompanying
permits, Indonesian forestry department officials turn a blind eye.
Once logged, illegally
obtained timber exits West Kalimantan from several points. The primary method
is through Malaysia, where papers are obtained to make the timber appear legal,
in a process similar to money laundering. Although there is only one official
immigration gateway between Sarawak and West Kalimantan, traffic flows back
and forth all along the border. Since Sarawak does not allow the import of raw
logs, countless small-scale sawmills can be found near the border to process
the logs into sawn wood before they leave Kalimantan.
On the other side
of the border, Sarawak's state-owned Hardwood Timber Company has at least three
checkpoints where it collects fees on incoming illegal timber and "legalizes"
them. At the unofficial interior crossing of Badau-Lubuk Antu, 40 to 80 trucks
carrying timber cross the border every day. In addition, hundreds of ships carry
logs each month from the Sambas district in Kalimantan to the port of Samatan
in Sarawak. In other Kalimantan provinces, the process of timber smuggling is
similar.
The high level
of collusion amongst various players makes law enforcement extremely difficult,
and in the rare case that arrests are made, it is usually the community loggers
who get caught. Meanwhile, investors and other political players remain untouchable.
There are many reports of sawmill owners being given prior warning before "unannounced"
timber raids or of confiscated equipment being returned without penalty.
Hope for the
Future?
Despite the grim
picture, there are communities that are choosing more thoughtful paths towards
development, and various grassroots organizations are helping to find alternative
solutions, such as agroforestry and the marketing of non-timber forest products.
As it has been difficult to control illegal logging from the top, local organizations
are working at the community level to raise awareness and tackle problems of
income generation. In the face of weak national laws regulating forest use,
numerous communities have reinforced their own adat (customary) laws
to prevent extensive forest destruction. Diversification of cash crops and establishment
of credit unions are some options being explored to provide long-term, sustainable
income.
Some researchers
are also looking at the latent potential of secondary forests. Wil de Jong at
the Center for International Forestry Research reports that secondary forests
actually contain many useful species such as rubber and fruits, and that some
wild animals prefer or can adapt to the more open canopy of a secondary forest.
Although this does not diminish the importance of conserving primary forests,
it does suggest that logged over forests and forests regenerated from past swidden
cultivation or fires can become fruitful again.
In the last few
months, there has also been some promising progress in the policy sector. The
Indonesian government made permanent its log export ban, and other nations have
responded in support. In addition to the Indonesian and UK governments signing
an agreement to halt the trade of illegal logs between the two countries, the
government of Malaysia announced a ban on the import of all Indonesian logs--legal
or illegal.
However, weak law
enforcement, a corrupt judiciary system in Indonesia, and the difficulty of
tracing the origin of wood products from exporting to importing countries stand
to challenge the success of policy measures. A multi-pronged approach to limit
consumption, and find alternative and sustainable economic uses for secondary
forests will be crucial in ensuring the survival of forests and communities
in Kalimantan. |